ZHOU'S BUSINESS WAS FAILING. Although the market for enzymes was good, he had so little money that his platoon of 18 pedicabs had dwindled to a squad of five .
Zhou periodically would ask his partner in Dongtai for a share of the firm's profits. Each time, the partner would refuse, saying the business was facing difficulties. Then on a trip to Guangzhou, Zhou asked a representative of the Guangzhou pharmaceutical company how he thought the business was doing. "Not bad," Zhou recalls the representative replying. "We must have made several hundred thousand together." Other than the occasional pittance to cover expenses, Zhou had not seen any money from his Dongtai partner in more than six years.
His experience was typical for many Chinese entrepreneurs. So new to the business of business, the Chinese ripped one another off with mind-boggling regularity . The country's lack of a moral compass only made things worse. Zhou once stored 120 pounds of enzyme at a friend's refrigerated warehouse. The friend sold it and refused to give him any money. Zhou hadn't asked for a contract because to do so would have amounted to an insult. Business is all done on a handshake, yet in China, handshakes are worthless.
Zhou finally went to Dongtai and confronted his partner, demanding that he give Zhou the Beijing portion of the business. The partner relented. Zhou found himself at the end of 1994 the sole owner of his own urine-extraction business in the capital.
Meanwhile, Zhou was growing weary of his job teaching Marxism at the Anhui Institute, and he was increasingly unwilling to toe the party's ideological line. Each year a handful of students, usually those applying for party membership, would express doubts about Zhou's loyalty to the party and to China. One student even delivered a report with statistics on how frequently Zhou was critical of the state .
In 2002, the party secretary at the institute summoned Zhou to his office. "Either you change the nature of your instruction, or you will stop teaching Mao," the secretary warned.
Zhou told the secretary that he did not think that he was particularly anti-party or anti-Mao. The secretary remained unconvinced. He informed Zhou that he was being switched from teaching Maoist thought to teaching business administration.
LAST APRIL, BOOK IDIOT ZHOU RETURNED to his ancestral village , arriving with the air of a conquering hero. He was wearing a tie and driving his freshly washed and polished white Volkswagen Bora . It was the Qingming Festival -- during which Chinese traditionally honor their ancestors -- and Zhou planned to tend to the graves of his parents and grandparents.
With economic reforms, the Shen Kitchen Commune had been disbanded , and Zhou's old production brigade had been renamed Li's Kitchen Village; it was not bad off for a rural backwater . Every courtyard had a motorcycle. Many of the men and women had jobs in factories rather than in the fields. Zhou pointed out people, passing a wizened woman who looked to be in her sixties, but was actually Zhou's age -- 50. "That's a girl I liked when I was a boy," he said. "She was the daughter of a party guy . . . She ended up marrying a local farmer. He gets drunk and beats her now."
Zhou greeted the elderly parents of the first man killed in the village during the Cultural Revolution. A band of Red Guards murdered him because he used to paint portraits of Buddhist saints. Zhou said hello to the mother of the party secretary who had tried to bamboozle Zhou into marrying his lover three decades earlier. The party secretary had died young. "Hello, Professor Zhou," said the old woman, who, at 89, was so bent that she stood barely four feet tall. "Tell my grandson to come home, please."
"I hired her grandson," Zhou explained. "I hired the son of the man who had tried to keep me down on the farm."
Zhou walked the dirt paths of Li's Kitchen, smiling at the sunburned faces of the farmers who greeted him with a mixture of curiosity, envy and respect. He merited all those reactions. Facing bankruptcy in the mid-'90s, he had turned his business around and, by last year, was making more than $60,000 annually. He'd bought himself a sprawling condo in Nanjing, divorced his first wife and married a woman 22 years his junior.
But his success hasn't mellowed his view of the Communist Party. "Let's look at China from the Marxist perspective," Zhou says. "Let's give the Chinese government the benefit of the doubt. Why did the slave society overthrow primitive society ? Because its economy was more advanced and it was richer. The same is true for why feudal society overthrew slave society and why capitalist society replaced feudal society. But then we come to Mao. Who was Mao? Who did he represent?"
"Did Mao represent economic forces stronger than capitalism? No. Did he represent anything progressive? No. He represented the most backward forces in China. He didn't even represent the working class. He represented thugs . It wasn't a communist revolution. It was a thug's revolution. That's our real history."
[I]John Pomfret is The Post's Los Angeles bureau chief. This article is adapted from his book Chinese Lessons: Five Classmates and the Story of the New China, to be published next month by Henry Holt and Co.[/I]
Notes:
dwindled to a squad of five 缩小到一个五人小组
pittance 少量的津贴
the Chinese ripped one another off with mind-boggling regularity 中国人出奇一致地互相欺诈
lack of a moral compass 缺乏道德规范
was critical of the state 批评国家
ancestral village 祖居的村子
white Volkswagen Bora 白色的大众宝莱轿车
had been disbanded 早就被解散了
rural backwater 乡村僻壤
a wizened woman 一个干瘪的女人
a party guy 一个党员
to bamboozle Zhou into 哄骗老周......
the dirt paths 土路/尘土飞扬的小路
mellowed 变柔和,变好
the slave society overthrow primitive society 奴隶社会推翻原始社会
thugs 恶棍,暴徒
(全文完)
谢谢阅读。抛开其政治观点不谈,我倒是学到不少特别词汇。 |