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八九民运的意义 王丹
任何一场政治与社会运动都是在特定的时代背景和社会环境下发生的，因而呈现出不同的面貌。但不同的政治与社会运动又有其共同之处，比如它是一种集体行为，比如它是以意见表达为主要形式，等等。中国大陆一九八九年发生的学生运动，有其特殊的一面，但更重要的是，它是中国处于社会转变过程中不可避免会发生的社会冲击。
八九民运的意义在于，它不是中国民主化进程的开始，而是这一进程的里程碑。中国人民争取民主与自由的历史至少也有一百年，群众性的大规模抗争自“五四”运动以来就没有终止过，但是这一进程始终表现出社会与国家权力纠结不清的问题。中国过去的民主运动总是以政府的权力为关注焦点，或者是乞求掌握权力以达到推行民主的目的，或者是希望诉诸政府以求自上而下推动改革，因而既忽视了公民社会自身的建设，又影响到了运动本身的独立性。八九民运是一个转折点，在八九民运之前，包括学生与知识分子在内的社会各界普遍对政府抱有幻想。因为一九八八年左右中国的政治环境前所未有地宽松。事实上，正是这种幻想促使学生走上街头。但是，残酷的现实打破了幻想，野蛮的军事镇压和鲜血不仅使人震惊，更令人思索：一个曾经表现出如此开明的政府，一夜之间会成为狰狞的魔鬼。这显然已不仅仅是某一两个执政者的个人问题，也不完全是用集权制度的历史可以解释的。它促使青年一代知识分子开始对权力的本质进行质疑。
九十年代，随着自由市场经济的拓展，中国开始出现公民社会的萌芽。大批知识分子下海经商，社会各阶层普遍持功利主义立场。这并不是一个社会的理想状态，但它的背后表现出一种令人鼓舞的迹象：国家与社会正在日益剥离。相对国家而言，社会的独立性正在日益增强。人民普遍表现出的对政治的淡漠，实际上是对政府的疏远与警惕。这绝对是一种好现象，它说明中国的民主化进程可以拥有更坚实的基础，而八九民运，正是这一基础的起步，没有八九民运，我们不会这么快就从对权力的迷信中走出来，但我们仍有可能为政府的魅力所迷惑。
就我个人而言，一方面，八九民运已经成为我心中的情结。它凝聚了我青年时代的理想和热情，是八十年代的精神象征符号。让八九民运重新得到公正的评价，是我无法放弃的努力目标；另一方面，我也希望从八九民运中汲取教训，为思考中国的未来提供坐标。八九民运本身是一场伟大的民主运动，能有幸积极参与是我的光荣和骄傲。它影响了我的一生，也许还将继续影响下去。但我也期待自己尽快从这个光环下走出来。无论是个人还是国家，都不应该陷在一种情结中不能自拔。
最后我还要说的是，在八九民运中，真正的英雄是那些死者。是他们的生命打动了全世界，也是他们的生命，必将打动历史。
The meaning of the 1989 Democracy Movement
By Wang Dan
Translation by Victor Shih
Transcription by Min Pilarowski
Every political and social movement occurs under specific milieu and social environment and hence manifests itself in different manners. Nevertheless, different political and social movements in the end have some common traits. For example, they are all collective actions and all aim to express opinions. The student and democracy movement that occurred on mainland China in 1989 has its own special aspects. More importantly, however, it was an unavoidable social conflict in the midst of the social transition process in China.
The 1989 Democracy Movement did not constitute the beginning of China's journey toward democracy but a mark of progress on that journey. The history of the Chinese people's struggle for democracy and freedom is at least one hundred years old, while large-scale resistance involving the people has not stopped since the May 4th Movement. However, this history also clearly demonstrates the problem of the interconnection and the lack of distinction between the authority of the state and the authority of society. Past democracy movements in China always focused on governmental authority, risked the expansion of authority to achieve the goal of promoting democracy, or petitioned the government in hopes of triggering a top-down reform. As a result, past movements have neglected the fact that the construction of the civil society can affect the autonomy of the movement itself.
The 1989 Democracy Movement was a turning point. Before 1989, disparate elements of society, including students and intellectuals, held false notions of the government. They perceived an unprecedented relaxation of the political environment around 1988. In fact, it was precisely this fantasy which prompted the students to take to the streets. However, cruel reality soon shattered this fantasy. The barbaric military suppression and the spilling of blood not only shocked many but also prompted others into re-evaluation: how could a government which once had exhibited some degree of enlightenment transform over night into such horrific evil? The suppression clearly did not stem from the personal problem of a few Communist leaders. It also could not be completely explained by the history of totalitarianism. The suppression prompted the younger generation of intellectuals to begin questioning the basic element of authority.
With the development of the market economy in the 1990s, sprouts of civil society began to appear in China. As large numbers of intellectuals enter the private sector, various segments of society generally hold the capitalist view of work and compensation. While this is not an ideal situation for society, an encouraging phenomenon manifests itself behind the foreground of capitalism: state and society are increasingly separated. Relative to the state, the autonomy of society is constantly increasing. While people in general exhibit disinterestedness toward politics, it is in fact a tactic to separate oneself from the government and monitor the government. This is absolutely an encouraging sign. This means that the progress of Chinese democracy can now have a stronger, more realistic foundation. The 1989 Democracy Movement was the beginning of this foundation. Without the 1989 Democracy Movement, we would not have escaped as quickly from our blind belief toward authority. We could have still been under the spell of government authority.
As for myself, the 1989 Democracy Movement has become an emotional burden in my heart (qingjie). It concentrated the idealism and passion of my youth and is the spiritual symbol of the 1980s. The open re-evaluation of the 1989 Democracy Movement in China is a goal which I cannot give up. At the same time, I also hope to extract lessons from 1989, which may direct my thinking about the future of China. The 1989 Democracy Movement was a great democracy movement. I am honored and proud to have had an opportunity to actively take part in it. It has profoundly influenced my life since and will perhaps continue to affect my life. However, I also wish to descend from my high pedestal as quickly as possible. Neither a person nor a nation should be bogged down by a sort of emotional burden.
Finally, I would like to make clear that the true heroes of the 1989 Democracy Movement are those who sacrificed their lives. Their lives moved the whole world. It will also be their lives which move history. |
楼主: Marsher
狗仔卡
发表于 2008-6-6 18:52:42
显身卡
