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前司法部长出席作证 确认总理干预司法

16#
发表于 2019-2-27 17:23:21 来自客户端 | 只看该作者
勇敢,讲出了事实,看明天的所有大报头条吧,自由党支持率还能撑在什么位置?
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17#
发表于 2019-2-27 17:29:44 | 只看该作者
看看加拿大的法律能否公平对待总理,看看到底是标榜的平等民主,还是因人而异,土豆4年除了做些打脸的事,其余一无是处
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18#
发表于 2019-2-27 17:29:52 | 只看该作者
不管哪个政党上台都一样的。只有畜牲才认有主人。
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19#
发表于 2019-2-27 17:31:47 来自客户端 | 只看该作者
为了保证自由党在大选中惨败,土豆一定不会辞职!
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20#
发表于 2019-2-27 17:38:47 | 只看该作者
太平洋在望 发表于 2019-2-27 17:06
过去一百多年,加拿大都没有总理能被中途被迫辞职吧? 澳洲10年换7个总理,可见加拿大政治制度有多腐朽 ...

任内辞职就2次,一次是1984老特鲁多看到自己做不下去了,辞职
第二次是BRIAN MULRONEY, 1993因为支持率太低了,辞职
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21#
发表于 2019-2-27 17:42:01 | 只看该作者
泥马的畜生一定要认主就去认。别老跟着这儿臭乎乎的大口冲着咬人。
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22#
发表于 2019-2-27 17:43:59 | 只看该作者
本帖最后由 loneshepherd 于 2019-2-27 19:38 编辑

小土豆遇上大麻烦了
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23#
发表于 2019-2-27 17:47:50 | 只看该作者
“总理办公室还曾这样安抚JWR:“如果Jody感到紧张,我们将会安排很多评论文章,支持司法部的干预行为。”

看见了吧, 舆论导向的源头掌握在谁的手里。这也是为啥闯王视媒体为人民公敌。
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24#
发表于 2019-2-27 17:52:19 | 只看该作者
想想赔恐怖分子的1000万。。。土豆总能找到理由达到他的目的
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25#
发表于 2019-2-27 18:07:53 来自客户端 | 只看该作者
搞大了,赤党搞大了
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26#
发表于 2019-2-27 18:13:39 来自客户端 | 只看该作者
烂土豆,请你马上辞职!
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27#
发表于 2019-2-27 18:54:35 来自客户端 | 只看该作者
Gerry Butts 也是前安省省长麦贱迪的大秘,那时也是涉及到这个SNC, 他自己肯定发了一笔纳税人的横财。

事实如此,加拿大总督应该立即因政治腐败解散议国会,全国大选!
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28#
发表于 2019-2-27 19:10:48 | 只看该作者
大家都记得2008年经济危机中,美国那些引发危机的大公司,因为太大了而不能倒闭,纳税人如被绑架的人质,被迫出钱拯救它们。

加拿大现在面临的是同样的问题,腐败的SNC-Lavalin太大了,我们都被它绑架了,太大了不能倒闭,否则加拿大经济短期内肯定要失去9000个工作。

最好的解决办法,坚决惩罚犯罪的个人, 禁止SNC投标公共工程,逼迫SNC破产,然后或由私人重组或将其国有化。

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29#
发表于 2019-2-27 19:19:00 来自客户端 | 只看该作者
小土豆啊,哈哈哈,是提前大选还是成立独立调查委员会?
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30#
发表于 2019-2-27 19:25:53 来自客户端 | 只看该作者
Speaking Notes

The Honourable Jody Wilson-Raybould

The Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights
February 27, 2019

Gilakas’la. Thank you Mr. Chair and members of the Justice committee for providing me the opportunity to give extended testimony to you today. I would like to acknowledge that we are on the ancestral lands of the Algonquin people.

For a period of approximately four months between September and December 2018, I experienced a consistent and sustained effort by many people within the government to seek to politically interfere in the exercise of prosecutorial discretion in my role as the Attorney General of Canada in an inappropriate effort to secure a Deferred Prosecution Agreement with SNC-Lavalin. These events involved 11 people (excluding myself and my political staff) – from the Prime Minister’s Office, the Privy Council Office, and the Office of the Minister of Finance. This included in-person conversations, telephone calls, emails, and text messages. There were approximately 10 phone calls and 10 meetings specifically about SNC-Lavalin that I and/or my staff was a part of.
Within these conversations, there were express statements regarding the necessity for interference in the SNC-Lavalin matter, the potential for consequences, and veiled threats if a DPA was not made available to SNC. These conversations culminated on December 19, 2018, with a phone conversation I had
with the Clerk of the Privy Council – a conversation for which I will provide some significant detail.
A few weeks later, on January 7, 2019, I was informed by the Prime Minister that I was being shuffled out of the role of Minister of Justice and the Attorney General of Canada.
For most of these conversations, I made contemporaneous and detailed notes – notes, in addition to my clear memory, which I am relying on today among other documentation.
My goal in my testimony is to outline the details of these communications for the Committee, and indeed for all Canadians. However, before doing that, let me make a couple comments.
First, I want to thank Canadians for their patience since this February 7th story broke in the Globe and Mail… Thank you as well specifically to those who reached out to me from across the country. I appreciate the messages – I have read them all.
Secondly, on the role of the Attorney General – the AG exercises prosecutorial discretion as provided for under the Director of Public Prosecutions Act. Generally, this authority is exercised by the DPP, but the AG has the authority to issue directives to the DPP on specific prosecutions or to take over prosecutions.
It is well-established that when the AG exercises prosecutorial discretion, she or he does so individually and independently. These are not cabinet decisions.
I will say that it is appropriate for Cabinet colleagues to draw to the AG’s attention what they see as important public policy considerations that are relevant to decisions about how a prosecution will proceed. What is not appropriate is pressing on the AG matters that she or he cannot take into account, such as partisan political considerations; continuing to urge the AG to change her or his mind for months after the decision has been made; or suggesting that a collision with the Prime Minister on these matters should be avoided.
With that said, the remainder of my testimony will be a detailed and factual delineation of the approximately 10 phone calls, 10 in-person meetings, and emails and text messages that were part of an effort to politically interfere regarding the SNC matter for the purposes of securing a deferred prosecution.
The story begins on September 4, 2018. My COS and I were overseas when I was sent a ‘Memorandum for the Attorney General (pursuant to section 13 of the Director of Public Prosecutions Act) which was entitled ‘Whether to issue an invitation to negotiate a remediation agreement to SNC Lavalin’ which was prepared by the Director of Public Prosecutions, Kathleen Rous
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