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藏独分子密谋干扰北京奥运 美媒体披露细节
环球时报
4月14日，《纽约时报》文章详细披露了在美国和其他海外国家的“藏独”组织密谋干扰北京奥运会的细节，“藏独”分子在接受采访时还提及他们是如何利用各种手段吸引国外媒体关注的。“藏独”分子破坏北京奥运会的企图再一次昭然若揭。
“藏独”将西方媒体当成“工具”
《纽约时报》14日文章披露，在北京获得奥运会举办权后的七年时间里，有大批在美国和其他海外国家的“基层藏独”组织迅速建立了一个“传播计划”，其目的是传播“藏独”资讯。文章称，“藏独”组织还传授其“藏独”成员如何接受媒体采访，甚至是如何“绕着绳子往下爬”这样的技巧——就像他们在旧金山金门大桥上所演的“闹剧”一样(在桥上系上“藏独”标语)。
文章称，“藏独”组织并没有多少钱做广告。美国“西藏委员会”“董事会成员”旺楚夏格巴(Wangchuk Shakabpa)在接受《纽约时报》采访时说，他们各个组织间的关联性很小，对于他们而言，“唯一能够说话的方式就是通过各个媒体了。”
文章称，“国际西藏支援网”下属的“自由西藏”学生组织会每月都会举行会议，而其中“媒体训练”成为重点，其中包括“如何在短时间内吸引媒体”。该“藏独”组织协调员门多萨称：“‘自由西藏学生组织’意识到，媒体是传达我们观点的‘非常有效的工具’。”
用各种出位方法赚取媒体注意力
于此同时，《纽约时报》还披露说，这些“藏独”组织还会定期举行各种示威活动的“训练营”，其目的就是为了用各种出位的方法赚取媒体的注意力。
文章披露，为了能够让这些“藏独发出声音”，总部设在伦敦的“国际西藏支援网”已经向153个“藏独”组织发送了一份“新闻聚焦简讯”。该组织的“执行董事”埃里森·瑞诺德兹(Alison Reynolds)说：“我们会发送日常新闻的摘要，包括有什么新闻发生等。”
文章称，为了让新闻报道中的“抗议示威活动”能够吸引注意力，“自由西藏学生组织”还会组织长达一周的“训练营”，这种“训练营”每年会举行四次。参加“训练营”的“藏独”分子会学习如何“组织抗议者”，如何“对付警察”，甚至还会学习“用绳子攀爬”和“街头游击战”这样的示威训练。
文章还特别披露，“藏独”组织在最近几周开始将攻击中国政府的焦点转向到达尔富尔问题上。
自称奥运会是西藏问题国际化的好机会
根据报道，奥运会的举行让“藏独”组织对媒体的吸引力达到了“空前的水准”。
文章披露，通过伦敦“藏独”组织形成的这个“国际西藏支援网”在过去的十年间几乎没有任何作为，而自2000年的所谓的“藏独”会议后，该组织决定“调整其努力的方式”。
文章称，伦敦“藏独”组织本来并没有任何一名“雇员”，但在“‘藏独’干扰北京奥运的声音越来越大”的2005年，该“藏独”组织接到了资金支援。而到了去年，该“藏独”组织已经雇佣了一名“全职奥运协调员”。
“自由西藏学生组织”的协调员门多萨在接受《纽约时报》采访时直言，“一开始我们对于中国政府获得奥运会主办权这一荣耀感到十分沮丧”，他说，“但是五分钟以后，我立即意识到，奥运会对于我们来说也是一次‘把西藏问题国际化的大好机会’。”
下面是英语原文：
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/1 ... mp;st=cse&scp=1
Tibet Backers Show China Value of P.R.
Jim Wilson/The New York Times
Soon after China was awarded the Olympic Games seven years ago, a series of public relations strategy sessions were held. But it wasn’t the Chinese government holding the sessions: it was grass-roots Tibet support groups in the United States and abroad.
The protesters quickly established a communications plan, focused their message and ran camps where they taught members interview skills and even rappelling — as they showed off last week in hanging banners on the Golden Gate Bridge.
As a result, the protesters have pulled off a publicity coup. Instead of basking in the glow of the coming games, China has quickly found itself on the defensive, and protesters have turned the subject from athletics in Beijing to the crackdown in Tibet, along with human-rights violations inside China and China’s investments in Sudan.
“At first there was a profound sense of despair after the Chinese government was awarded the honor,” said Kalaya’an Mendoza, a coordinator for Students for a Free Tibet, an activist group. “But after five minutes passed, we realized this would be a monumental opportunity for the Tibetan people to be put in the international spotlight.”
For all its business success and military power, China is still something of a naïf when it comes to Western-style public relations. In many ways, China is facing the same challenge that companies like Philip Morris and Wal-Mart have in recent years as protesters and union activists have grown increasingly sophisticated in delivering their message.
“Our voice cannot be heard,” said Wenqi Gao, spokesman for China’s consulate in New York. “We have to improve our image.”
The Tibet groups, though, have courted the media. “The approach these groups have is spectacular in terms of public relations,” said Richard Funess, president of Ruder Finn Americas, a public relations firm.
While China has not mastered the art of the grass-roots publicity campaign, its government — with the Olympics in mind — has been exploring American-style public relations approaches.
According to a recent report in The Financial Times, the Chinese government is now seeking its own public relations representation. Executives from five P.R. firms with a large presence in Beijing said they had not been contacted about the project.
Mr. Gao of the Chinese consulate said that he did not know if the report was true, but that he thought some help was needed. “My personal view is, it is a good idea to talk about this public relations industry, and seek help from the public relations industry to see if we can do better with the media,” he said.
After China lost its Olympics bid in 1993, said David Liu, managing director for Weber Shandwick China, Olympic insiders advised it to hire a public relations firm before its next attempt. Weber Shandwick, owned by the Interpublic Group, won the contract, and, Mr. Liu said, his advice was that China separate its human-rights record from its Olympics bid.
What the firm suggested to the Olympic committee, Mr. Liu said, was that if Beijing were allowed to hold the Games, it might lead to some movement on a number of fronts. “If you give China the Olympic hosting rights, then it is like you are engaging China, and naturally they will improve on a lot of things.”
Currently, the Beijing Organizing Committee of the Olympic Games is using the public relations firm Hill & Knowlton, owned by the WPP Group, to work on the Games. James B. Heimowitz, Hill & Knowlton North Asia’s chief executive, says that its sphere is limited, as the Beijing Organizing Committee is not empowered to comment on Chinese government policy.
Still, he said, his firm’s advice has been welcome. “I think increasingly we are seeing Chinese — both private companies and the government sector — increasingly trying to understand how to be more effective in an international environment, and that includes things like understanding and working with international-level communications and P.R. agencies,” Mr. Heimowitz said. “They’re trying.”
On the other side, the protesters use an approach that is one part strategy, one part necessity. The groups, largely financed by individual donations, have little money for advertisements. “Our organizations are relatively small, and the only way to get the word out is through the media,” said Wangchuk Shakabpa, a board member of the U.S. Tibet Committee.
To get that word out, the International Tibet Support Network, a London-based group that coordinates pro-Tibet organizations, has been sending press-focused bulletins to its 153 member organizations.
“We’ve been sending out regular daily summaries,” said Alison Reynolds, the group’s executive director, “of what’s news, what’s happening, what are the key political developments, who said what about the situation in Tibet.”
Students for a Free Tibet, a member of the international organization, sends out its own talking points, press release templates and protest plans to its 650 chapters. That is supplemented by two Students for a Free Tibet Facebook cause pages, which now have about 37,900 members and a YouTube page where organizers post reports and footage from protests.
Every other month, Students for a Free Tibet holds conferences for members of pro-Tibet groups, where media training is a focus. The sessions cover everything from giving a good sound bite to answering reporters’ questions artfully.
“S.F.T. realizes that the media is a very effective tool getting our message across,” Mr. Mendoza said. “One way that we ensure that our message stays on point and is disseminated to audiences it’s targeted to, is by training our S.F.T.-ers to be the best media spokespeople themselves.”
With an eye toward demonstrations that will get coverage, S.F.T. also holds weeklong “action camps” four times a year. Attendees learn to organize protests and deal with the police, and receive training in attention-getting activities like rappelling and guerrilla street theater.
The Tibet groups’ approach has, at least in recent weeks, shifted the focus from the Darfur cause. But “more pressure on China to do something is better,” said Jill Savitt, executive director of Dream for Darfur. “I have been really impressed with the turnout and the moral fierceness of how they have mobilized.”
The focus on the Olympics has brought an unprecedented level of coordination and media focus among the Tibet support groups. From 1951 until the late 1980s, the Tibet issue was largely a political one, said Robert J. Barnett, director of the Modern Tibetan Studies Program at Columbia’s Weatherhead East Asian Institute. In 1987, an influential article by onetime Carter adviser Roberta Cohen about China’s human-rights record created interest in Tibet among non-Tibetans.
Demonstrations in Lhasa in 1987 and 1989 heightened that interest, leading to the creation of many Tibet support groups. While the different groups occasionally coordinated their work, it was on an ad hoc basis.
The groups decided to coordinate their efforts at a conference in 2000, creating the London group to do that. But the group did not have a staff until after receiving financing in 2005 — by which time the Olympics were already a focus of the Tibet groups. The London group hired a full-time Olympics campaign coordinator last year.
Across the street from the Chinese consulate in New York on Wednesday, about 35 protesters from five Tibet organizations had gathered, summoned by text messages and e-mail messages. They were shouting the same slogans that were being shouted across the country in San Francisco, which had been disseminated through e-mail messages and bulletins. Mr. Shakabpa, his sign leaning against his legs, surveyed his fellow protesters. “You’re talking about a handful of people,” he said, “but we can really get our message out.”
Gene Grabowski, a crisis P.R. specialist at Levick Strategic Communications who worked on the Chinese toy recalls, said he was not surprised that the protesters were winning so far.
“The Chinese government is still new to the challenges and the game of playing on a world stage, and playing on the world stage today doesn’t just mean understanding how to control the messages that come out of formal government ministries or the messages that are prepared and disseminated to the global news media,” he said. “There are the blogs, there are Web sites; there’s a whole world of Internet-based communication that the Chinese government still doesn’t seem to understand or appreciate.” |
狗仔卡
发表于 2008-4-15 13:04:42
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